Bagaimana Trump menghendaki âfase pertamaâ kesepakatan Gaza mencapai garis akhir | Politik berita

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Follow President Donald Trump had been sitting in the State Dining Room for an hour and twenty-two minutes Wednesday, listening patiently as a panel of right-wing influencers recounted various tales of violence at the hands of Antifa, when an unexpected visitor arrived at the door.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio, stepping into the room from the Cross Hall, whispered a few words to White House chief of staff Susie Wiles before Trump asked him the question he’d spent the last hour or so quietly wondering: “Any news from the Middle East?” Indeed there was, Rubio told him.

But he would have to wait to deliver it until reporters had departed.

Trump didn’t seem in any particular hurry.

As he called on the next participant to speak, a visibly anxious Rubio grabbed a notepad and pen to scribble out a message.

“Very close,” he wrote, underlining the words for emphasis.

“Need you to approve a Truth social post soon so you can announce deal first.” The deal Trump would announce two hours later appeared to be a breakthrough.

Israel and Hamas agreed to a release of all the hostages held in Gaza for an exchange of Palestinian prisoners, as well as a partial withdrawal of Israeli troops from the besieged enclave.

It is too early to declare the war over.

A number of issues remain outstanding, and further negotiations could uncover unbridgeable gaps between the two sides.

Yet after months of false hope, stalled progress and entrenched positions, the agreement was a clear victory for a president who has, in recent weeks, seemed intent on willing his plan into reality.

He said Wednesday, before announcing the deal, that he planned to travel soon to the region to see it enacted.

Trump pushes through concerns from Arab, Israeli leaders At multiple junctures, Trump has plowed ahead with his sweeping 20-point framework, bypassing reservations from both sides of the negotiations about some of its details.

Last month, after Israel made several revisions to text of the plan, some Arab leaders balked and asked the proposal not be made public, people familiar with the situation said.

The White House released it anyway, and the Arab leaders got on board.

And when Hamas offered a response that stopped well short of fully endorsing each of the plan’s 20 points, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was wary of casting the reply as a victory.

Trump viewed it differently, and told Netanyahu he was being negative, a person familiar with the call said.

Within hours of receiving word from Hamas, he deemed the group “ready for a lasting PEACE” and ordered Israel halt its bombardment.

In each instance, Trump brushed aside concerns he believed could derail progress toward ending a war he’s grown tired of dealing with.

By moving swiftly forward — even amid his allies’ misgivings — Trump hoped to generate the type of momentum that had mostly eluded him since he entered office eight months ago.

Whether his approach generates a durable peace remains to be seen.

His announcement Wednesday made no mention Hamas disarming, a condition Netanyahu has insisted upon.

Nor did it say what role Hamas might play in Gaza going forward.

Instead, he suggested those questions will be left for another phase of talks.

Wednesday’s announcement, he says, is the “first steps toward a Strong, Durable, and Everlasting Peace.” Palestinian paramedic Saeed Awad looks at his phone displaying an image of President Donald Trump following the Gaza deal announcement as he stands at Al-Aqsa Hospital in Deir al-Balah in Gaza on Wednesday.

Abdel Kareem Hana/AP Trump’s 20-point plan grew out of Israel’s strikes in Qatar The 20-point plan that formed the basis for the upcoming hostage release was born in a diplomatic crisis.

Israel’s brazen strikes targeting Hamas leaders inside Qatar on September 9 were originally viewed inside the White House as so provocative that they could reverse any progress toward ending the war.

Trump had spent much of his presidency cultivating Qatari officials, who had long played a mediating role with Hamas in efforts to end the Gaza conflict.

In May, he became the first sitting president to visit the tiny Gulf nation.

He accepted an unusual gift from the kingdom: a luxury Boeing 747 that’s now being retrofitted to serve as Air Force One.

His close ties to Qatar’s leaders made Israel’s strikes in Doha all the more galling for Trump.

He was furious Netanyahu made little attempt to warn him of Israel’s plans.

By the time Trump’s special envoy Steve Witkoff was on the phone with the Qataris to warn them of the pending attack, it had already begun, Qatari officials would later say.

Behind the scenes, the attack aggravated Trump’s ongoing vexation at his Israeli counterpart.

Netanyahu’s expanding military operations in the Middle East had led Trump to wonder why his supposed friend and ally seemed intent on creating regional chaos.

In a heated phone call afterward, Trump excoriated Netanyahu, calling the strikes “unacceptable.” The president later told some advisers he thought the prime minister was trying to “f**k” him by stymying efforts toward striking a deal, a person familiar with his comment said.

And among some of Trump’s allies, concern grew that the president was being played.

Yet amid the fury, another phenomenon was underway.

Israel’s strikes — which killed a Qatari security officer but did not successfully take out any Hamas leaders — galvanized Arab nations against Israel.

And Trump’s ire at Netanyahu provided new leverage in an already-fraught relationship.

The changed diplomatic atmosphere was a window, in the view of Trump and his aides.

Instead of allowing the strikes to upend the mostly stalled ceasefire talks, Trump and Witkoff — with the addition of the president’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, reprising a Middle East negotiating role he held in Trump’s first term — determined to use turn the crisis into opportunity.

Combining components of various plans offered by Arab nations, European leaders and a proposal written by former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, who had been discussing a post-war Gaza plan with the White House for months, Witkoff and Kushner drafted a 21-point plan over the span of a few weeks to present to Arab leaders at a summit in New York on September 23.

On the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, Trump presented the Arab leaders the framework.

Although it was not seen as perfect, the proposal was broadly endorsed by a key group of countries, including Qatar and Turkey, in the hopes that it could bring an end to the nearly two-year conflict as soon as possible.

“We had a very productive session,” Witkoff said a day later.

“We presented what we call the Trump 21-point plan for peace in the Mideast and Gaza.

I think it addresses Israeli concerns and, as well, the concerns of all the neighbors in the region.” He predicted then that, in the coming days, the administration would be ready to “announce some sort of breakthrough.” Getting Netanyahu on board Before that breakthrough could come, however, Netanyahu would have to get on board.

Trump told Arab leaders at the New York summit he was confident he could get the Israeli leader to sign off — and to actually implement the plan.

But the work to do so was just beginning.

Over the coming days, and throughout the weekend, Witkoff and Kushner held hours of meetings with Netanyahu and his team to go over the plan word-by-word.

The prime minister’s skepticism of the proposal was evident from the start.

He quibbled with provisions on Israeli withdrawal, objected to references to Palestinian statehood and opposed any scenario where the Palestinian Authority would be responsible for governing Gaza, a person familiar with the talks said.

The intensive discussions stretched on, with Trump occasionally phoning in to try to smooth over differences.

He, Witkoff and Kushner — all three rooted in the world of real estate transactions — tried to approach the discussions with business principles in mind: find what each side is looking for and maneuver to make it happen.

Several changes were made at the Israelis’ request, two sources said, and one described them as related to Israeli military withdrawal from Gaza and Hamas disarmament.

By the time Netanyahu arrived to the White House on September 29, Trump’s aides were confident enough they would have something to announce that they scheduled a joint appearance for the leaders in the State Dining Room.

President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu leave the State Dining Room of the White House after a press conference in Washington, DC, on September 29.

Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images But in the hours leading up to the event, the two men were in the West Wing continuing to haggle over details from across the table in the Cabinet Room, going through printed copies of the plan point-by-point.

And after prodding by Trump — who viewed it as a necessary step toward finalizing a deal — Netanyahu agreed to apologize to Qatar’s leader for the airstrikes the month before.

He placed the call from the Oval Office as Trump balanced the telephone on his right thigh.

Ultimately, the text Netanyahu agreed to differed from what Arab leaders had seen a week earlier.

Absent were any specifics on Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza, and references to an eventual Palestinian state were left to a vague mention of “a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood.” When Arab officials got wind of the changes, they urged the White House to hold off releasing the plan, believing it wasn’t the same proposal they’d agreed to.

But it was too late.

And Trump was eager to harness the moment.

“This is a big, big day, a beautiful day, potentially one of the great days ever in civilization,” he said alongside Netanyahu in the White House State Dining Room, warning if Hamas rejected the plan, he would fully back Israel’s efforts to eliminate the group entirely.

An anxious waiting game Despite their reservations, Arab leaders gave the plan their public endorsement, and according to one source, also a private understanding that these changes would hem Netanyahu in to accepting the proposal.

The next days amounted to a waiting game.

Trump was anxious to hear how Hamas was responding.

In a call with Qatar’s emir two days after announcing the plan, Trump inquired about progress, but was told it may a while for the group to respond, a person familiar with the call said.

Communication problems with Hamas’ military leaders in Gaza contributed to the time it took to receive a response.

So did divisions among Hamas leadership over elements of the plan, according to US officials, who were advised of the difficulties by regional partners.

Still, Trump was growing impatient.

On Friday morning, he issued a Sunday night ultimatum, hoping it would spur Hamas into responding.

But it would only take a few more hours for the reply to come through: Hamas had agreed to release all the remaining hostages, though didn’t address other key elements of Trump’s proposal.

“This is a big day,” the president said in an upbeat video taped in the Oval Office.

“We’ll see how it all turns out.

We have to get the final word down in concrete.” Netanyahu was far less enthusiastic, viewing Hamas’ reply as rejecting some of Trump’s plan.

He was surprised by Trump’s quick embrace of it, and doubly taken aback when the president ordered Israel to stop bombing Gaza as the details of the hostage release were worked out.

In a phone call, Trump bemoaned Netanyahu’s negative outlook, a person familiar with the call said.

(Trump later denied this, saying Netanyahu has “been very positive.”) In his view, the response was a sign Hamas was ready for peace, and he chose to focus on what Hamas did agree to rather than what it didn’t.

The White House enthusiastically posted the group’s reply in full from its official social media accounts.

For Trump, Hamas’ declaration it was ready to release all the remaining hostages held since the October 7, 2023, terror attacks was enough.

After months of frustratingly slow progress, Trump appeared ready to proceed as if peace was finally at hand — even if the finer details remained uncertain.

Berita’s Jennifer Hansler contributed to this report.

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